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		      through 5 Nazi prisons and 12 prison camps. In any case, it is notdifficult to imagine how many innocent victims are on the conscience of
 this impenitent Zionist provocateur. It is such loathsome services for
 the Fascist killers that were performed in the Yanivsky concentration
 camp, in which people of various nationalities found themselves
 Ukrainians, Poles, and Jews.
 L. A. Ruvinsky, The criminal conspiracy of Zionists and Fascists on the
 eve of, and during the years of, the Second World War, Ukrainian
 Historical Journal, 1985, No. 9, pp. 99-109, p. 105, translated from
 the Ukrainian by Lubomyr Prytulak.
 The above statement, by itself, is certainly insufficient to establish that Simon
 Wiesenthal passed the war years as a Gestapo agent. However, it is even by itself
 sufficient to lead an investigative journalist to ask Mr. Wiesenthal certain questions:
 (1) Was Simon Wiesenthal in fact arrested along with 39 other members of the Lviv
 intelligentsia?
 (2) Was Simon Wiesenthal the only one of the 40 who avoided execution?
 (3) Did Simon Wiesenthal pass through 5 Nazi prisons and 12 prison camps?
 (4) How could Simon Wiesenthal have avoided execution, and how could he have passed
 through so many Nazi institutions, unless he had agreed to serve as a Gestapo agent?
 Had you asked Mr. Wiesenthal any such questions in your 60 Minutes broadcast of
 23Oct94, The Ugly Face of Freedom, you would have taken a step toward digging
 underneath the surface, a step of the sort that some 60 Minutes viewers have come to
 expect as standard from investigative journalists.
 I bring to your attention further that the above quotation from Ruvinsky is not the
 only reason that we have for thinking that Simon Wiesenthal may have worked for the
 Gestapo. Further reasons can be found in my following three letters to Simon
 Wiesenthal:
 (1) 15Dec94 in which I ask Simon Wiesenthal, among other things, why he kept detailed
 notes on the Polish partisans who were sheltering him, and why he allowed these notes
 to be captured by the Nazis.
 (2) 14Aug97 in which I ask Simon Wiesenthal why the Nazis allowed him, a Jew and
 supposedly a prisoner, to keep two pistols.
 (3) 28Aug97 in which I ask Simon Wiesenthal why, where other prisoners were shot upon
 being recaptured following their escape, he was instead relieved from work and put on
 double rations.
 It looks very much, Mr. Safer, as if on your 60 Minutes broadcast of 23Oct94, The Ugly
 Face of Freedom, your chief witness testifying to Ukrainian collaboration with the
 Nazis was himself a war criminal of substantial proportions, a former Gestapo agent
 with the blood of many on his hands, perhaps much of it Jewish blood, and who may have
 used your interview with him to cast blame on Ukrainians so as to deflect attention
 away from his own guilt.
 If this blunder of yours is allowed to stand, then it threatens in the end to be
 remembered as your chief legacy to 60 Minutes. Would it not be better to finally break
 your long silence and by embracing truth to make some attempt to redeem your
 reputation?
 Lubomyr Prytulak
 cc: Ed Bradley, Jeffrey Fager, Don Hewitt, Steve Kroft, Andy Rooney, Lesley Stahl, Mike
 Wallace, Simon Wiesenthal.
 HOME DISINFORMATION PEOPLE SAFER 979 hits since 15May99
 Morley Safer Letter 9 15May99 Who murdered Volodymyr Ivasiuk?
 But in the meantime, those who come too near to the truth concerning what happened to
 Volodymyr Ivasiuk have been the victims of an unusual number of accidents. One man's
 wife unexpectedly hangs herself, another man throws himself from a balcony, still
 another drowns, yet another falls under the wheels of a car.... But remember, butchers,
 God's punishment will descend even upon you!
 May 15, 1999
 Morley Safer
 60 Minutes, CBS Television
 51 W 52nd Street
 New York, NY
 USA 10019
 Morley Safer:
 Who Murdered
 Volodymyr Ivasiuk?
 Volodymyr Ivasiuk is best known as a composer and poet,
 author of the widely popular song Chervona Ruta whose first
 two lines appear below as he wrote them in his own hand,
 which song more than anything else made him beloved
 throughout Ukraine, and even beyond the borders of Ukraine.
 On top of that, Volodymyr was a man of many talents, having
 earned a degree in medicine, and having demonstrated talent
 in art, photography, and cinematography.
 However, having reached his prime
 showing so much promise, it was not
 given Volodymyr Ivasiuk to develop his
 talents further. He was dead at the age
 of 30. To the right is a photograph of
 his funeral procession, attended by
 thousands of mourners despite the
 suppression by the state of the
 publication of information concerning
 his burial, despite official warnings to
 not attend funeral services, and despite
 the calling of Komsomol meetings, which
 carried mandatory attendance, on the
 same day. The magazine Halas, on whose
 information I rely in the present
 letter, states that Rostyslaw Bratun who
 was the first to step forward and speak
 at Volodymyr's funeral lost his job two
 months later. Words spoken at the
 funeral by the Sichko family landed them
 in prison.
 To the right is a second photograph
 showing the statue that was eventually
 erected in Volodymyr Ivasiuk's memory.
 And just how did Volodymyr Ivasiuk meet
 his end? His death certificate which
 appears below states that he died on
 24-27 April 1979 from mechanical
 asphyxiation caused by hanging in a
 noose, and attributes the hanging to
 suicide.
 The details of Volodymyr Ivasiuk's death, however, do not support the official view that
 he killed himself:
 They waited and searched for Volodya for 24 days. Following the
 mysterious disappearance of the composer, the search for him was not
 disclosed to the public, the explanation being given that such an
 announcement would create a disturbance. However, the mass media are
 daily used not only to help locate people, but sometimes even their
 pets. [...]
 It was not until May 18, 1979 that Volodymyr Ivasiuk's body was
 accidentally discovered in the heavy forest near the village
 Briukhovych near Lviv.
 One couldn't bring oneself to believe it. The parents were allowed to
 identify their son only on the following day, even though it was only a
 five-minute walk from the apartment where Volodya lived to the morgue;
 and the identification was conducted with gross violations of law. The
 father was allowed to view the body only after he repeatedly telephoned
 the Oblast Procurator threatening to send a telegram of complaint to
 the General Procurator of Ukraine. The local authorities eventually
 gave in with the exasperated reply: "Take your son home, and look at
 him there at least a hundred years!" His death certificate reported
 that he died 24-27 April 1979 at the age of 30. The cause of death:
 mechanical asphyxiation. Hanging from a noose - suicide. The death
 certificate was issued on May 21, 1979, and even back then, a mere
 three days after the body had been discovered, without any evidence or
 investigation it had been written in black and white that Volodymyr
 Ivasiuk had committed suicide.
 There immediately arises the question that if the composer had indeed
 hung himself on 24-27 April, and was not found until 18 May, whether he
 could have remained hanging from a tree for 21-24 days. Volodya
 weighed 80 kg (176 lb), such that hanging for so long, the noose would
 have cut into his neck to the depth of the bones. Also during May the
 weather was warm and dry. The body would have decomposed during this
 interval, and from it would have emanated an intolerable odour. All
 these substantiating signs were missing, and missing too were the
 autopsy photographs.
 On May 22 of every year let us remember that Volodymyr Ivasiuk became
 another innocent victim of a totalitarian regime.
 M. Masly, Volodymyr Ivasiuk: Light and Shadow of a Legend, Halas
 (Clamor), 3Jun97, pp. 11-12, as translated by Lubomyr Prytulak.
 Halas is a Ukrainian-language magazine which reviews popular music and
 is published in Kyiv. The section commemorating Volodymyr Ivasiuk in
 the 3Jun97 issue was sponsored and supported by Coca Cola Ukraine.
 And truly, the administration hated him while he was alive, and feared
 him once he was dead. Volodya's mother, Sophia Ivanivna Ivasiuk met
 with the first secretary of the Lviv administration, V. Dobryk to plead
 with him to permit a monument to be placed on the grave of her son.
 "The war took from me my father and three brothers. My sister's
 husband did not return from the front," wept the woman, "and now my son
 too has been lost. Do I not after all that have the right to
 consecrate his memory?" In reply, Dobryk (what evil irony that such a
 soulless individual should have a name denoting goodness) pressed a
 concealed button and said in Russian to the lackey who entered, "Take
 that lady out." Following this visit, Sophia Ivanivna Ivasiuk received
 the "insult in the name of Dobryk." She has been in ill health ever
 since.
 Sooner or later will arrive the day when truth will emerge victorious.
 But in the meantime, those who come too near to the truth concerning
 what happened to Volodymyr Ivasiuk find themselves the victims of an
 unusual number of accidents. One man's wife unexpectedly hangs
 herself, another man throws himself from a balcony, still another
 drowns, yet another falls under the wheels of a car.... But remember,
 butchers, God's punishment will descend even upon you!
 M. Masly, Volodymyr Ivasiuk: Light and Shadow of a Legend, Halas
 (Clamor), 3Jun97, p. 12, as translated by Lubomyr Prytulak.
 Mr. Safer, you went to Ukraine determined to come back with a story of Ukrainians
 persecuting Russians and Jews. You failed to find any substantiation for such a story.
 You failed to find any Russian composer and poet who had been found hanging in a forest
 under mysterious circumstances. You failed to find any Jewish composer and poet who had
 been found hanging in a forest under mysterious circumstances. And you were not
 interested in a Ukrainian composer and poet who had indeed been found hanging in a
 forest under mysterious circumstances. You went to Ukraine determined to prove that
 Ukrainians persecute Russians and Jews, and you reported that story to tens of millions
 of 60 Minutes viewers despite a lack of evidence, and despite plentiful evidence that it
 is Russians and Jews who persecute Ukrainians, as they have done throughout history.
 In your 23Oct94 60 Minutes broadcast The Ugly Face of Freedom, then, you sided with the
 strong against the weak. You sided with the oppressors against the oppressed. You
 sided with the butchers against the butchered. You sided with those who hang composers
 and poets and against Volodymyr Ivasiuk.
 Lubomyr Prytulak
 cc: Yaakov Bleich, Ed Bradley, Jeffrey Fager, Don Hewitt, Steve Kroft, Andy Rooney,
 Lesley Stahl, Mike Wallace, Simon Wiesenthal.
 HOME DISINFORMATION PEOPLE SAFER 669 hits since 17May99
 Morley Safer Letter 10 17May99 Who murdered Volodymyr Katelnytsky?
 It is conceivable that had you not broadcast The Ugly Face of Freedom, Volodymyr
 Katelnytsky would be alive today. And it is all the more conceivable that had you used
 the opportunity of your broadcast to defend Ukrainians against their oppressors,
 Volodymyr Katelnytsky would be alive today.
 May 17, 1999
 Morley Safer
 60 Minutes, CBS Television
 51 W 52nd Street
 New York, NY
 USA 10019
 Morley Safer:
 Who Murdered Volodymyr Katelnytsky?
 The death of Volodymyr Katelnytsky
 My source is a Ukrainskyi Holos (Ukrainian Voice) article mailed to me by someone that
 knew Volodymyr Katelnytsky. The citation that is hand-written on the article is "4-20
 August, 1997, p. 1."
 The Ukrainskyi Holos article reports that Volodymyr Katelnytsky was tortured to death in
 his apartment in Kyiv, Ukraine on the night of 7-8 July 1997. His mother, Lykeria, who
 was 81 years old, was tortured and died before the eyes of her son; her body was found
 with 21 stab wounds. When Katelnytsky's sister tried to enter the apartment in which
 the crime had been committed, she was roughed up by Kyiv police. Some members of the
 Katelnytsky family were arrested. The murders are considered to have been politically
 motivated. Volodymyr Katelnytsky's funeral was attended by some two thousand mourners.
 The life of Volodymyr Katelnytsky
 Volodymyr Katelnytsky was a professional journalist. He was active in the Ukrainian
 Orthodox Church, Kyiv Patriarchate, was head of the Brotherhood of St. Andrej
 Pervozvanyi in Kyiv, and supervised the tour of the chief cities of Ukraine by
 Metropolitan Wasyl in May 1993. He was also active politically, serving as Deputy Head
 of the Ukrainian Christian Democratic Party. In Canada and the United States, he may be
 best remembered for the role he played as President of the Committee for the Defense of
 John Demjanjuk.
 Also prominent among Volodymyr Katelnytsky's activities was the dissemination of a
 Ukrainian version of what happened at Babyn Yar, similar, I believe, to the version
 advocated on the Ukrainian Archive. One result of Volodymyr Katelnytsky's Babyn Yar
 activities is that he was sued for them by Jewish organizations in Ukrainian court, that
 in his defense he brought forward historical aerial reconnaissance photographs showing
 that none of the activities said to have taken place at Babyn Yar was visible from the
 air - not visible, that is, were signs of the execution and burial of 33,771 Jews, or
 the later disinterment and burning of their bodies. As a result of his convincing
 defense, the court acquitted Volodymyr Katelnytsky of the charges brought against him.
 Who murdered Volodymyr Katelnytsky?
 As we have no direct evidence of who murdered Volodymyr Katelnytsky, we can only perform
 a Cui bono? analysis which will at least tell us where to start looking. That is, if it
 is the case that the three most prominent events in Volodymyr Katelnytsky's life were:
 (1) that he defended John Demjanjuk, (2) that he contradicted the Soviet-inspired
 Holocaust version of the Babyn Yar story, and (3) that he was tortured to death along
 with his mother, then it would take a mental paralysis with which I have not as yet been
 seized to refuse to consider the first two of these events as possibly having caused the
 third.
 I don't accuse you of having failed to cover the Katelnytsky assassination.
 As you broadcast the Ugly Face of Freedom on 23 October 1994 and Volodymyr Katelnytsky's
 assassination did not take place until 7-8 July 1997, I obviously do not accuse you of
 having failed to cover the Katelnytsky assassination in your broadcast.
 But I do accuse you of having missed the big story of which Katelnytsky's
 assassination is but one piece.
 However, the persecution and assassination of Ukrainians did not begin in 1997. It
 began hundreds of years earlier, carried right up until your broadcast in 1994, and
 continued through 1997 to this day. What I do accuse you of, then, is ignoring a
 centuries-long stream of evidence attesting to the persecution of Ukrainians, and of
 broadcasting instead the story of the persecution of Russians and Jews even in the
 absence of evidence. Your investigations in Ukraine failed to turn up anything like a
 story of a prominent Russian activist being tortured to death in his apartment, whether
 along with his mother or alone. And your investigations in Ukraine failed to turn up
 anything like a story of a prominent Jewish activist being tortured to death in his
 apartment, whether along with his mother or alone. The story that you would have been
 able to document, but that you chose to ignore, is that Ukraine is a nation which is
 ruled by Russians and Jews, and in which Ukrainians are routinely persecuted and
 murdered.
 And I do accuse you of having helped cause Katelnytsky's assassination.
 But even though you could not have covered Katelnytsky's assassination in 1994, you
 could have in 1994 avoided giving encouragement to assassins who were at that time
 plotting such assassinations. Instead, you did give encouragement to Katelnytsky's
 assassins by demonstrating to them that the world press can be counted upon to continue
 broadcasting anti-Ukrainian calumnies even while Ukrainians were being victimized in
 their own land. It is conceivable that had you not broadcast The Ugly Face of Freedom,
 Volodymyr Katelnytsky would be alive today. And it is all the more conceivable that had
 you used the opportunity of your broadcast to defend Ukrainians against their
 oppressors, Volodymyr Katelnytsky would be alive today.
 Lubomyr Prytulak
 cc: Yaakov Bleich, Ed Bradley, Jeffrey Fager, Don Hewitt, Steve Kroft, Andy Rooney,
 Lesley Stahl, Mike Wallace, Simon Wiesenthal.
 HOME DISINFORMATION PEOPLE SAFER 630 hits since 30Jun99
 Morley Safer Letter 11 30Jun99 Who murdered Vadim Boyko?
 We cannot believe that his death was just pure accident; although it is reported that
 8,000 people a year in the former Soviet Union die due to their television sets exploding,
 we all believe that Vadim would have survived this kind of accident.
 June 30, 1999
 Morley Safer
 60 Minutes, CBS Television
 51 W 52nd Street
 New York, NY
 USA 10019
 Morley Safer:
 The conclusion that you offered in your 23Oct94 60 Minutes broadcast The Ugly Face of
 Freedom was that Ukraine is a place where Jews and Russians are oppressed by militant
 Ukrainian nationalists, and where they are the targets of Ukrainian violence. The
 closest that you came to substantiating this claim was to broadcast Rabbi Bleich's
 allegation that an elderly Jewish couple had been attacked and robbed somewhere in
 Western Ukraine. However, this allegation was devoid of substantiating detail, and my
 request for specifics (both in my letter to you of 24May98, and in my letter to Rabbi
 Bleich of 23May98) was answered with silence. I repeat that request to you now - please
 inform me of the details of this attack, which minimally would include the time, the
 place, the names of the victims, and the address where a police report is available. If
 you do not have such information, please retract the allegation.
 You must be aware that I. M. Levitas, Head of the Jewish Council of Ukraine as well as
 of the Nationalities Associations of Ukraine has questioned whether such an attack on
 the two elderly Jews ever took place. Levitas's doubt was first expressed in an open
 letter to you, and I reminded Rabbi Bleich of it in my letter to him of 23May98, of
 which you were mailed a copy. In view of I. M. Levitas's doubt, and in view of your and
 Rabbi Bleich's silence in response to my request for particulars, the impression grows
 daily stronger that you and Rabbi Bleich made the incident up.
 The chief purpose of the present letter is to demonstrate to you yet again that your
 conclusion which I summarize in my first sentence at the beginning of the present letter
 is exactly backward. Ukraine is not a place where Ukrainians attack and murder, it is a
 place where Ukrainians are attacked and murdered, as has been the case for the last
 three hundred years, at least. Below is documented one further instance in support of
 this conclusion. It is the story of Vadim Boyko, member of parliament, and popular
 television investigative journalist. I would have expected that the story of Vadim
 Boyko would have appealed to you, and for that reason that you might have included it in
 any broadcast that you prepared about Ukraine, as his life - at least up to the final
 moments - was not unlike your own:
 February 23, 1992
 Journalist's notebook in Ukraine
 by Marta Kolomayets
 Kiev Press Bureau
 A colleague's tragic death
 "He was a man engaged to a young Ukraine," said Volodymyr Yavorivsky, as
 he bid farewell to Vadim Boyko, who died tragically on February 14, at
 the age of 29.
 Hundreds of mourners crowded into the third floor atrium of the
 Ukrainian State Television and Radio headquarters, tearfully passing
 each other on the steps Vadim so often bounded, rushing to the studios
 where he recorded his popular television programs.
 Now, on February 17, the mourners paid their last respects to Vadik (as
 he was affectionately known), searching for a reason why such a
 promising, talented life was cut short. As slow dirge-like music played
 over the loudspeakers, they filed past the closed coffin, sewn up in
 black cotton and laden with bunches of carnations of all colors.
 At the foot of the coffin stood a black and white photo of the young
 journalist and politician. An enlarged copy of the same photo,
 decorated with a black mourning band, hung above the coffin. To the
 left, the newly adopted Ukrainian national flag, also decorated with
 black bunting, kept guard over its native son. Wreaths from the
 Ukrainian Parliament, co-workers and friends surrounded the coffin.
 Perhaps as a carryover from the Communist-atheist state of the past, the
 wake of devoid of all Christian symbols and rites.
 Vadim's father sat at the foot of the coffin, numb to the proceedings.
 As a few speakers addressed the crowd, he wiped tears away from his
 weary, red eyes. Vadim's mother was too weak to make the trip from the
 family's home in Svitlovodsk to Kiev.
 Mykola Okhmakevych, the stagnant, Communist head of the State Television
 and Radio, whose removal has been pressed for by both democratic
 deputies and workers of the television station, said a few uninspiring
 words. Often harshly criticized by Vadim and his colleagues, Mr.
 Okhmakevych now spoke of how Vadim had always loved his job. An angry
 mourner, who saw this hypocrisy, cried out: "He loved Ukraine above
 all. He loved Ukraine, say it."
 We all descended the steps with Vadim for the last time. The coffin was
 then placed in a vehicle for Vadim's journey home to Svitlovodsk,
 Kirovohrad Oblast, his final resting place.
 x x x
 It has been almost a week now since my phone rang just before midnight,
 on Valentine's Day, February 14. It was my friend and colleague Dmytro
 Ponamarchuk. Yet his voice sounded different.
 "I don't know how to say this, Marta. Vadim Boyko burned to death
 tonight." I could not believe what I was hearing: "What is this, a
 cruel joke?"
 Dmytro, working at the radio station, had been called about a fire at
 Vadim's apartment; the fire department reported that his television had
 blown up. Dmytro arrived at the scene just an hour or so after the
 reported fire, only to find Vadim's body sprawled across the floor,
 burned beyond recognition. There was nothing left of his apartment, a
 dormitory-type dwelling in a building that housed quite a number of
 State television and Radio workers.
 News of Vadim's death spread quickly among fellow journalists - many of
 whom had attended Kiev State with Vadim, many of whom worked with him on
 numerous projects.
 He was an elected democratic deputy from Kremenchuk, Poltava Oblast. He
 had come from the neighboring town in Kirovohrad oblast, just across the
 Dnipro River, arriving in the capital city of Kiev in the early 1980s to
 obtain a college education.
 And from then on, he gained popularity as the founder and host of
 "Hart," one of the first serious investigative shows on Ukrainian
 television, reporting on everything from Chornobyl to Shcherbytsky.
 After he was elected a deputy to the Ukrainian Parliament in March 1990,
 he was appointed vice chairman of the standing parliamentary Committee
 on Glasnost and the Mass Media, a job he took very seriously, often
 going to Moscow to discuss problems of disinformation in Ukraine, as
 presented by central television.
 But Vadim never forgot his first vocation - journalism - and he would
 often join his colleagues, including a few of us foreign correspondents,
 on the press balcony of Parliament during the sessions to give us some
 inside news or highlights of his commission's work.
 He was our friend, and with his death, our circle has been broken. Many
 of us - Ukrainian journalists and foreign correspondents, as well as a
 few of his close friends outside this journalistic fraternity - spent
 last week trying to come to terms with the tragedy that has struck us.
 We cannot believe that his death was just pure accident; although it is
 reported that 8,000 people a year in the former Soviet Union die due to
 their television sets exploding, we all believe that Vadim would have
 survived this kind of accident.
 We have gone through the story over and over. Most of us saw him in
 Parliament on Wednesday afternoon; he was excited and invigorated by new
 opportunities: he was applying for a National Foundation internship for
 the spring in Washington, D.C., he was going to travel on business with
 Ukraine's deputy prime minister. His dancing blue eyes were smitten
 with the possibilities of new TV shows and programs in an independent
 Ukraine.
 None of us saw Vadim in Parliament on Thursday or Friday, February
 13-14; he missed a few meetings he had scheduled on Friday.
 Currently, there are many rumors flying around Kiev surrounding Vadim's
 death, based on political, business and personal motivations.
 Parliamentary committees have promised to work on an investigation,
 although no special committee has been formed to investigate what many
 democratic deputies, among them Les Taniuk and Stepan Khmara, have
 labelled as murder. Some speculate that Vadim's TV work in Chornobyl
 may have triggered an early death...
 On Friday, February 14, Nezavisimaya Gazeta (Independent Newspaper) in
 Moscow ran an interview with Vadim on journalists' responsibilities and
 cooperation between Moscow and Kiev.
 "At this time, we (referring to Russian and Ukrainian journalists) can
 be friends, if we are honest to the end. We are currently living in a
 commonwealth, the root of the word is found in the word "druh,"
 friend... We will never become true friends, until we journalists
 understand that we are the ones who can, who have the responsibility to
 stop our peoples from total degradation, from the catastrophe that can
 occur between our peoples," he said. "If we cannot prevent this we stop
 being journalists. We will become persons who today do their work and
 tomorrow, one by one, are destroyed."
 Vadim's deep sense of responsibility, his courage and commitment to the
 truth will always be admired by his friends and colleagues. And we are
 all committed to learning the truth.
 Given the suspicious circumstances surrounding his death, I can only
 hope that his last interview prophecy did not become self-fulfilling.
 Mr. Safer, you travelled to Ukraine looking for stories of persecution and violence
 against Jews and Russians, you failed to find the evidence, but you broadcast the story
 anyway. All the while, you were surrounded by stories of persecution and violence
 against Ukrainians, but that plentiful evidence you ignored. In other words, you went
 to Ukraine not to discover its reality, but to confirm your prejudice. You played the
 role not of journalist, but of propagandist. Given the opportunity to make a
 contribution toward protecting the lives of journalists in Ukraine by broadcasting the
 story of Vadim Boyko, you declined. Showing anything on 60 Minutes that might win
 
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