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lead to a bullet passing through the intended victim and hitting an unintended target. (10) Anyone so trigger-happy as to shoot a woman for walking too slowly posed a danger to everyone, even to his German superiors, and so would not be tolerated within the German forces. (11) The Germans viewed the optimal executioner as one who found killing distasteful, but killed dutifully upon command. Anyone who enjoyed killing, within which category must fall anyone who killed on impulse, was a degenerate and had a corrupting influence on those around him, most importantly on Germans who after the war would be expected to return to Germany and resume civilian life. With respect to German personnel, at least, the attitude was as follows: The Germans sought to avoid damage to "the soul" ... in the prohibition of unauthorized killings. A sharp line was drawn between killings pursuant to order and killings induced by desire. In the former case a man was thought to have overcome the "weakness" of "Christian morality"; in the latter case he was overcome by his own baseness. That was why in the occupied USSR both the army and the civil administration sought to restrain their personnel from joining the shooting parties at the killing sites. [In the case of the SS,] if selfish, sadistic, or sexual motives [for an unauthorized killing] were found, punishment was to be imposed for murder or for manslaughter, in accordance with the facts. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, pp. 1009-1010) The killing of the Jews was regarded as historical necessity. The soldier had to "understand" this. If for any reason he was instructed to help the SS and Police in their task, he was expected to obey orders. However, if he killed a Jew spontaneously, voluntarily, or without instruction, merely because he wanted to kill, then he committed an abnormal act, worthy perhaps of an "Eastern European" (such as a Romanian) but dangerous to the discipline and prestige of the German army. Herein lay the crucial difference between the man who "overcame" himself to kill and one who wantonly committed atrocities. The former was regarded as a good soldier and a true Nazi; the latter was a person without self-control, who would be a danger to his community after his return home. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 326) Every unauthorized shooting of local inhabitants, including Jews, by individual soldiers ... is disobedience and therefore to be punished by disciplinary means, or - if necessary - by court martial. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 327) Although avoiding damage to the Slavic soul would not have had the same high priority to the Nazis as avoiding damage to the German soul, nevertheless, it would have been more difficult to keep Germans from wanton killing if that same wanton killing had been permitted to their Slavic auxiliaries. For these many reasons, then, and in view of Mr. Wiesenthal's overall lack of credibility, one may well wonder whether his mother-in-law really met her end in the manner indicated. & CONTENTS: Preface The Galicia Division Quality of Translation Ukrainian Homogeneity Were Ukrainians Nazis? Simon Wiesenthal What Happened in Lviv? Nazi Propaganda Film Collective Guilt Paralysis of the Comparative Function 60 Minutes' Cheap Shots Ukrainian Anti-Semitism Jewish Ukrainophobia Mailbag A Sense of Responsibility What 60 Minutes Should Do PostScript Nazi Propaganda Film Historical documentary footage was shown to 60 Minutes viewers and identified as Ukrainians abusing Jews, and the impression was created that German cameramen happened to come across these spontaneous outrages and filmed them as they were taking place. This too is a falsification. The truth is that when the Germans entered Lviv, they made a propaganda film - they gathered up a handful of street thugs and staged scenes in which mistresses of the recently-fled NKVD were stripped and "wallowed in the gutter" and collaborators of the recently-fled Communist regime, some of whom were probably Jewish, were humiliated and roughed up in the street. That several of the victims are shown naked or half-naked suggests that this was just such a humiliation, and not an arrest. Certainly, as German cameramen were present, the action must have taken place after the arrival of the Germans, and as German soldiers are seen to be in attendance, the action cannot be viewed as having been initiated by Ukrainians. And neither can the action be interpreted as a pogrom, as the civilians are unarmed and no wounding or killing is recorded; in fact, in footage 60 Minutes chose not to show, the women can be seen dressing themselves and leaving the scene: Several women suspected for collaborating with the NKVD were rounded up by street gangs organized by the Nazis, stripped naked, then thrown into the gutters in front of the prison. The event lasted for a few hours. "While the public humiliation of any female is deplorable, the other photos in the series show that these women left the scene intact" ... says Katelynksy. "Moreover," he adds, "this staged outburst of revenge was mild compared with the "bloody reprisals of the liberated French." "In 1944 and 1945, countless women were publicly humiliated and over 15,000 of their compatriots were tortured, hanged, or shot for Nazi collaboration in France. Yet the photographs of these bloody events are, for reasons of sensitivity, not published by the Western press and the events are rarely mentioned by historians." (Ukrainian News, Edmonton, March 1993, No. 3) In short, some and possibly all of the historical footage broadcast by 60 Minutes was not the Ukrainian populace spontaneously attacking Jews, but rather was street criminals directed by the Germans to rough up Communist collaborators among whom were probably Jews. It is, therefore, misleading to represent the scenes as either spontaneous in origin or initiated by Ukrainians or motivated by Ukrainian anti-Semitism. What must be kept in mind is that the Nazis had their reasons for making this film: (1) they were trying to convince Germans back home that Nazi attitudes toward Bolsheviks and Jews were not uniquely German, but rather were universal; (2) they were demonstrating to the intimidated Ukrainian population that Bolsheviks and Jews need no longer be feared and that they could be attacked with impunity; and (3) they were taking a first step toward dragging a handful of Ukrainians into complicitous guilt. Bodies on the Ground One photograph inserted into the middle of these "remnants of a film" was of bodies lying in rows on the ground. Of course Morley Safer does not identify the photograph - he does not attribute it to a source, he mentions no date or place. As the photograph is being shown, Mr. Safer is saying that Simon Wiesenthal "remembers that even before the Germans arrived, Ukrainian police went on a three-day killing spree." The impression left in the viewer's mind, therefore, is that these must be some of the 5,000 to 6,000 victims of that killing spree. Three details of this photograph, however, suggest otherwise: (1) The bodies are shown lying in snow, whereas the killing spree was supposed to have taken place in the three days before the German occupation of Lviv on June 30, 1941. (2) The legs of one of the bodies are visible, and these legs are skeletally thin, which suggests a famine victim and not the victim of a pogrom, or else suggests that this is an exhumed corpse. If these are in reality famine victims, then they are more likely to be Ukrainians than Jews. (3) Most of the shapes on the ground resemble small heaps rather than bodies, which suggests that the photograph is one of exhumed remains from some old mass grave - and we may reflect that in June 1941 (if that was when this photograph was taken), the inhabitants of Ukraine's many mass graves were predominantly Ukrainians and not Jews. Thus, there is a very real possibility that Morley Safer is using a photograph of Ukrainians killed by Jews as evidence of Jews killed by Ukrainians. The Wallowing Photograph The last scene of this Nazi propaganda footage that was presented by Morley Safer has a notorious history of being presented in various publications with wildly different interpretations - of which Time Magazine's "Wallowing Photograph" fiasco of 22Feb93 is but one instance. In fact, this photograph is taken from the wallowing-in-the-gutter German propaganda film that we have been discussing above. Whereas Time magazine editors did not go so far as to concede this, they were able to muster enough integrity to express ignorance and confusion, and also to retract and to apologize: Despite our best efforts, we have not been able to pin down exactly what situation the photograph portrays. But there is enough confusion about it for us to regret that our caption, in addition to misdating the picture, may well have conveyed a false impression. (Time, April 19, 1993) And yet this same notorious photograph has been recycled yet again by 60 Minutes and broadcast as if it had unequivocal significance. Time admitted that it was wrong, Morley Safer cannot escape having to do the same. It is a curious incongruity that while professing to oppose Naziism, Morley Safer nevertheless broadcasts a Nazi propaganda film and invites 60 Minutes' viewers to take it at face value. The propaganda of one era is, half a century later, dredged up to become the propaganda of another era, but with a switch from approval to disapproval - the Germans used the film to portray Ukrainians as good anti-Semites, and so why shouldn't Mr. Safer use the same film to portray Ukrainians as bad anti-Semites? CONTENTS: Preface The Galicia Division Quality of Translation Ukrainian Homogeneity Were Ukrainians Nazis? Simon Wiesenthal What Happened in Lviv? Nazi Propaganda Film Collective Guilt Paralysis of the Comparative Function 60 Minutes' Cheap Shots Ukrainian Anti-Semitism Jewish Ukrainophobia Mailbag A Sense of Responsibility What 60 Minutes Should Do PostScript Collective Guilt What was the rate of Ukrainian criminal collaboration with the Nazis during the Second World War? I do not ask here for the rate of perfunctory and non-culpable collaboration - not, for example, for a count which includes Ukrainian prisoners of war who, to save their lives, donned German uniforms and then found themselves serving out the war as reluctant camp guards, which have been more accurately referred to as "prisoner guards" because even while serving as guards, such Ukrainians continued to be themselves prisoners. No, not that low level of culpability, but rather an active collaboration palpably greater than would have been necessary for survival, well beyond the minimum that would be offered by all but the few saints and martyrs among us in short, collaboration of a magnitude that could plausibly lead to criminal prosecution. Let us imagine several possibilities. As the population of Ukraine at the time was 36 million, different collaboration rates give us a different number of collaborators: Rate of Criminal Collaboration Number of Criminal Collaborators 1/100,000 1/ 10,000 1/ 1,000 360 3,600 36,000 Were there 360 Ukrainians known to have criminally collaborated with the Nazis during World War II? Perhaps there were, though I do not know of any such definitive list, and wonder if one exists. However, 360 criminal collaborators only makes for one criminal collaborator out of every 100,000 Ukrainians. Could there have been 3,600 criminal collaborators? I doubt it, and I challenge anyone to come up with a credible list this long. Note that I do not challenge someone to pull a number out of the air equal to or exceeding 3,600 - likely there is more than one researcher at 60 Minutes who would find such a task not difficult - but rather, I challenge someone to come up with a documented list of names of Ukrainians who criminally participated in Nazi war crimes, where the list includes a description of the crimes, their locations, their dates, and credible supportive evidence. I repeat - this has not been done and cannot be done. And yet 3,600 certified criminal collaborators would make for only one criminal collaborator out of every 10,000 Ukrainians. And what about 36,000 criminal collaborators? The notion is preposterous. No documentation exists to support such a fantastic claim. And yet 36,000 criminal collaborators would make for only one criminal collaborator out of every 1,000 Ukrainians. The middle figure - one criminal collaborator for every 10,000 Ukrainians - is possibly a wild exaggeration, and would give us 3,600 criminal collaborators - more than enough to account for all the stories of Ukrainian savagery, brutality, and sadism, even the ones that aren't true. Such speculations as the above happen to coincide approximately with published estimates. For example Professor Stefan Possony reports that "The records of Israel's War Crimes Investigations Office indicate that throughout occupied Europe some 95,000 nazis and nazi collaborators were directly connected with anti-Jewish measures, massacres, and deportations...." (The Ukrainian-Jewish Problem, Plural Societies, Winter 1974). The middle column below contains the rate of anti-Semitic war criminality 1939-1945 per 10,000 population, and the right-hand column contains the estimated number of such war criminals. Possony points out that these figures fail to cover Croats, Serbs, and Jews themselves who also "were forced to participate in the extermination" (p. 92). It must be kept in mind that Possony did not himself conduct any research, but is merely passing on Israeli estimates without any scrutiny of his own; neither is it explained how the incidence per 10,000 is calculated - we may wonder when Russians together with Byelorussians contribute 9,000 war criminals and Ukrainians contributed 11,000, and when we know that the number of Russians together with Byelorussians is much greater than the number of Ukrainians, how it can be that the Russian rate of 8/10,000 can be higher than the Ukrainian rate of 3/10,000. Perhaps the calculation used as a denominator the number of Russian, Byelorussians, and Ukrainians actually under German occupation, and so who had the opportunity to offer their criminal collaboration so that even though the number of Russian collaborators is low, the Russian collaboration rate is high because only a comparatively small number of Russians found themselves under German occupation. Balts Austrians Russians and Byelorussians Germans Poles Ukrainians Western Europeans 20 10 8 6 4 3 0.5 11,000 8,500 9,000 45,000 7,500 11,000 3,000 ______ 95,000 The figure of 11,000 for Ukrainians being some three times higher than my speculative figure of 3,600 can be explained by the Israeli researchers using a more inclusive definition of what constituted collaboration (where I was specifying criminal collaboration) and might be explained too by the Israeli researchers requiring weaker evidence than would be required to commence criminal prosecution (where I was demanding evidence which would launch a criminal prosecution). In any case, whether it's one criminal collaborator per 10,000 Ukrainians or three makes no difference to the fundamental argument which I propose below. And that argument is that Mr. Safer is condemning all Ukrainians for crimes committed by something in the order of one Ukrainian out of every ten thousand - or at the very most, three Ukrainians out of every ten thousand - and this leads to the most serious charge that can be brought against the quality of his reasoning - which is the charge that he is engaging in this primitive, retrogressive, atavistic, anti-intellectual notion of collective guilt. One individual out of ten thousand in a group commits a crime, from which, according to Mr. Safer, it follows that the entire group deserves to be condemned. How bracingly Medieval! How refreshingly deviant from modern notions of culpability! How Nazi! And for how many generations, we might ask Mr. Safer, must this collective guilt be carried? - The answer is, of course, for all eternity. And why? - Why simply because the notion of collective guilt is no more than a club by means of which one group bludgeons another, and as that club is eternally useful, it is never shelved. Mr. Safer does not stop to reflect that collective guilt - and more particularly eternal collective guilt - is a two-edged sword, and that this sword has been used to cut the Jewish people themselves. Eternal collective guilt permits the conclusion that an American Jew today bears the guilt for Lazar Kaganovich administering the Ukrainian famine of 1932-1933, or - why stop there? - that a Jewish child who will be born in the next century will still be a Christ-killer. This is the quality of discourse which Morley Safer sanctioned in "The Ugly Face of Freedom." Another thought that occurs is that if all it takes is no more than one Nazi per ten thousand people in a group to condemn the whole group as Nazi, then what group is safe? Take the Jews: they had their kapos (Jewish Nazi police), their Judenrat (Council of Elders administering Nazi policies), their Jewish collaborators and informers. Mr. Safer made much of Ukrainian auxiliary police helping the Germans, but did not seem to be aware that under threat of immediate death, collaboration was forthcoming from more than one direction: The Judische Ordnungsdienst, as the Jewish police in the ghettos were called, furnished thousands of men for seizure operations. In the Warsaw ghetto alone the Jewish police numbered approximately 2500; in Lodz they were about 1200 men strong; the Lvov ghetto had an Ordnungsdienst of 500 men; and so on. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1961, p. 310) Given such large numbers of Jewish police as those mentioned above, then for every story of Ukrainian police auxiliary coming to arrest a Jew on behalf of the Nazis, would it be hard to find a story of Jewish police auxiliary coming to do exactly the same? In the game of saving one's life by serving a ruthless master with enthusiasm, were there not a few Jews who also excelled? But to point out that Jews also provided manpower for Nazi police actions may be to understate the case. In fact, it is possible to entertain the notion that wherever feasible, anti-Jewish police actions fell within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Jewish kapos: The Satanic plan of the Nazis assured that the personal fate of each Jew whether for life or death - be exclusively left up to the decisions of the "councils of elders" [Judenrat]. The Nazis, from time to time, decided upon a general quota for the work of the camps and for extermination, but the individual selection was left up to the "council of elders", with the enforcement of kidnappings and arrests also placed in the hands of the Jewish police (kapos). By this shrewd method, the Nazis were highly successful in accomplishing mass murder and poisoning the atmosphere of the ghetto through moral degeneration and corruption. (Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, pp. 119-120, emphasis added) In his moving letter to the editor below, Israel Shahak underlines that almost all the administrative tasks and policing required by the Nazis was placed in Jewish hands, that Jewish collaborators were ubiquitous, and that it was Jewish collaborators who rendered the Jewish Holocaust feasible and who stood as obstacles in the path of Jewish resistance: Falsification of the Holocaust Letter to the editor by Prof. Israel Shahak, published on 19 May 1989 in Kol Ha'ir, Jerusalem. Available online at: http://www.kaiwan.com/codoh/newsdesk/890519.HTML I disagree with the opinion of Haim Baram that the Israeli education system has managed to instil a 'Holocaust awareness' in its pupils (Kol Ha'Ir 12.5.89). It's not an awareness of the Holocaust but rather the myth of the Holocaust or even a falsification of the Holocaust (in the sense that 'a half-truth is worse than a lie') which has been instilled here. As one who himself lived through the Holocaust, first in Warsaw then in Bergen-Belsen, I will give an immediate example of the total ignorance of daily life during the Holocaust. In the Warsaw ghetto, even during the period of the first massive extermination (June to October 1943), one saw almost no German soldiers. Nearly all the work of administration, and later the work of transporting hundreds of thousands of Jews to their deaths, was carried out by Jewish collaborators. Before the outbreak of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (the planning of which only started after the extermination of the majority of Jews in Warsaw), the Jewish underground killed, with perfect justification, every Jewish collaborator they could find. If they had not done so the Uprising could never have started. The majority of the population of the Ghetto hated the collaborators far more than the German Nazis. Every Jewish child was taught, and this saved the lives of some them "if you enter a square from which there are three exits, one guarded by a German SS man, one by an Ukrainian and one by a Jewish policeman, then you should first try to pass the German, and then maybe the Ukrainian, but never the Jew". One of my own strongest memories is that, when the Jewish underground killed a despicable collaborator close to my home at the end of February 1943, I danced and sang around the still bleeding corpse together with the other children. I still do not regret this, quite the contrary. It is clear that such events were not exclusive to the Jews, the entire Nazi success in easy and continued rule over millions of people stemmed from the subtle and diabolical use of collaborators, who did most of the dirty work for them. But does anybody now know about this? This, and not what is 'instilled' was the reality. Of the Yad Vashem (official state Holocaust museum in Jerusalem - Ed.) theatre, I do not wish to speak at all. It, and its vile exploiting, such as honouring South Africa collaborators with the Nazis are truly beneath contempt. Therefore, if we knew a little of the truth about the Holocaust, we would at least understand (with or without agreeing) why the Palestinians are now eliminating their collaborators. That is the only means they have if they wish to continue to struggle against our limb-breaking regime. Kind regards, [Israel Shahak] To bring closer to home and closer to the present day the inadvisability of attributing collective guilt, we may note that more than one out of every hundred Americans is presently sitting in jail, and yet we do not from this condemn Americans as a nation of criminals. And so if we extract from this the conclusion that a participation rate as high as one out of every hundred is insufficient to depict the entire population as participants, then Ukrainians should be allowed a total of 360,000 criminal collaborators - a number never yet broached - without Ukrainians being collectively condemned as Nazis. The plea to avoid ascribing collective guilt is not new to Ukrainian-Jewish relations, and has been put forward by both sides. It is time that the plea was heeded: Even as we Jews justly disclaim responsibility for the acts of the Jewish Bolshevist commissars and for the disgraceful actions of those Jews who participated in the work of the Bolshevist chekas (Secret Police), the Ukrainian people has a full right to disclaim any responsibility for those who have besmirched themselves by pogrom activities. (Arnold Margolin, The Jews of Eastern Europe, 1926, p. 124, in Andrew Gregorovich, Jews and Ukrainians, Forum No. 91, Fall-Winter, 1994, p. 30) Additional material on Jewish collaboration with the Nazis can be found in my discussion of the Jewish Ghetto Police in my Letter 17 to Anne McLellan, Canada's Minister of Justice. CONTENTS: Preface The Galicia Division Quality of Translation Ukrainian Homogeneity Were Ukrainians Nazis? Simon Wiesenthal What Happened in Lviv? Nazi Propaganda Film Collective Guilt Paralysis of the Comparative Function 60 Minutes' Cheap Shots Ukrainian Anti-Semitism Jewish Ukrainophobia Mailbag A Sense of Responsibility What 60 Minutes Should Do PostScript Paralysis of the Comparative Function Positions taken by Morley Safer acquire meaning - can only be evaluated - following relevant comparisons, but Mr. Safer fails to make these comparisons. For example, Ukrainian assistance to Jews during the Jewish Holocaust acquires significance - indeed, may be thrown into a wholly new light - when compared to Jewish assistance to Jews during the Jewish Holocaust, but Mr. Safer does not make such a comparison. Ukrainian cruelty on behalf of the Nazis acquires significance when compared to Jewish cruelty on behalf of the Nazis, but Mr. Safer does not make this comparison. Ukrainians saving Jews (a possibility totally ignored by Mr. Safer) is given a new significance when compared with Jews saving Ukrainians at times when such aid was possible and of course Mr. Safer never reaches a point where he could make such a comparison. Comparison 1: Ukrainians Helping Jews Compared to Jews Helping Jews We have seen above that countless Ukrainians risked their lives and gave their lives to save Jews. And what, let us now ask, were those who today level accusations of genetic anti-Semitism against Ukrainians doing at the same time? What, for example, were American Jews doing? The generous view is that they were doing little: No American Jew appeared to have altered his life style once news of the Holocaust was revealed. Even at the time, some observers were repelled by the often festive atmosphere of Jewish social life in a period of wartime prosperity. (Howard M. Sachar, A History of the Jews in America, 1992, p. 550) Over the centuries the dispersion of the Jews had a functional utility: whenever some part of the Jewish community was under attack, it depended on help from the other Jews. In the period of the Nazi regime, this help did not come. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1052) This question has haunted me ever since the war: Why did the Jews of the free world act as they did? Hadn't our people survived persecution and exile throughout the centuries because of its spirit of solidarity? ... When one community suffered, the others supported it, throughout the Diaspora. Why was it different this time? (Elie Wiesel, Memoirs: All Rivers Run to the Sea, 1995, p. 63) A less indulgent view, however, is that Jews not under Nazi occupation - particularly American and British Jews - knowingly, willfully, calculatedly sacrificed their trapped European coreligionists: In his book, "In Days of Holocaust and Destruction," Yitzchak Greenbaum writes, "when they asked me, couldn't you give money out of the United Jewish
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