immediate arrest prevented a larger number of Jews from evading German
      control. Senitsa was executed. (Einsatzgruppe C, Kiev, Operational Situation
      Report USSR No. 177, March 6, 1942, in Yitzhak Arad, Shmuel Krakowski, and
      Shmuel Spector, editors, The Einsatzgruppen Reports: Selections From the
      Dispatches of the Nazi Death Squads' Campaign Against the Jews July
      1941-January 1943, 1989, p. 304)
      Similarly illustrative of help being given despite severe penalties is the following:
      A German police company in the village of Samary, Volhynia, shot an entire
      Ukrainian family, including a man, two women, and three children, for harboring
      a Jewish woman. (Raul Hilberg, Perpetrators, Victims, Bystanders, 1992, p.
      201)
      This is not to say that all or most Jews found refuge with Ukrainians, nor that all or most
      Ukrainians offered refuge to Jews. Far from it. Many stories can be found of Jews being
      refused refuge or even being betrayed - but what else could anyone expect? To expect more from
      Ukrainians would be to expect them to be saints and martyrs, which would be setting a very high
      standard:
      Whoever attempted to help Jews acted alone and exposed himself as well as his
      family to the possibility of a death sentence from a German Kommando. (Raul
      Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 308)
      But despite the severity of the punishment, Ukrainians did help. Andrew Gregorovich (Forum, No.
      92, Spring 1995, p. 24) reproduces a public announcement issued by the "SS and Head of Police
      for the District of Galicia" in Sambir, Ukraine, March 1, 1944. The announcement lists ten
      Ukrainians who have been sentenced to death by the Germans. Number 7 is Stefan Zubovych,
      Ukrainian, married - for the crime of helping Jews. One wonders what Stefan Zubovych might have
      thought had he been told just prior to his execution that in decades to come, some among the
      people that he was giving his life for would attempt to obliterate his memory and the memory of
      other Ukrainians like him, and would attempt instead to depict Ukrainians as irredeemable
      anti-Semites. One wonders what the surviving family of Stefan Zubovych, if any did survive,
      think today of the thanks that they receive from Morley Safer for the sacrifice that they have
      borne.
      Given the severity and the imminence of the punishment, it is a wonder that Ukrainians offered
      any help at all. Jews who had been saved by Ukrainians have subsequently admitted that in view
      of the extreme danger, had their roles been reversed they would not have extended the same help
      to the Ukrainians.
      Ukrainian help was not limited to a few isolated cases, but rather was widely given:
      "It is unfortunate," declared a German proclamation issued in Lvov on April 11
      [1942], "that the rural population continues - nowadays furtively - to assist
      Jews, thus doing harm to the community, and hence to themselves, by this
      disloyal attitude." (Martin Gilbert, The Holocaust, 1986, p. 319)
      [In 1943] tens of thousands of Jews were still in hiding throughout the General
      Government, the Eastern Territories and the Ukraine. But German searches for
      them were continuous. (Martin Gilbert, The Holocaust, 1986, p. 553)
      It would be incorrect to imagine the Germans rounding up and executing all the Jews within a
      region, with only a few of the Jews being saved; rather, in Ukrainian cities - which offered
      more avenues of escape and concealment than did villages and towns the Jews repeatedly receded
      before the advancing German killing units and then flowed back in again after the killing units
      had passed - something that would have been possible only with the knowledge and the cooperation
      of the indigenous Ukrainians:
      Although we succeeded in particular, in smaller towns and also in villages in
      accomplishing a complete liquidation of the Jewish problem, again and again it
      is, however, observed in larger cities that, after such an execution, all Jews
      have indeed disappeared. But, when, after a certain period of time, a Kommando
      returns again, the number of Jews still found in the city always considerably
      surpasses the number of the executed Jews. (Erwin Schulz, commander of
      Einsatzkommando 5 of Einsatzgruppe C, in John Mendelsohn, Editor, The
      Holocaust, Volume 18, 1982, p. 98)
      Whenever the Einsatzgruppe had left a town, it returned to find more Jews than
      had already been killed there. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European
      Jews, 1985, p. 342)
      Olena Melnyczuk in a Courage to Care Award ceremony (sponsored by the Jewish Foundation for
      Christian Rescuers/Anti-Defamation League) in which she and other members of her family were
      honored for having hidden a Jewish couple during World War II in Ukraine made the following
      remarks, the concluding sentence of which bears a particular relevance to our present discussion
      of 60 Minutes:
      "At the time we were fully aware of consequences that might expect us. We were
      aware that our family were doomed to perish together with the people we
      sheltered if detected. But sometimes people ask 'would you do it again?' And
      the answer is short. Yes. We tell them point blank that our Christian
      religion taught us to love your neighbor as yourself, be your brother's
      keeper," she stated.
      "Sometimes," she continued, "we hear the people asking why so few did what
      we did. Ladies and gentlemen, I am sure there were many, many people like us
      risking their lives while hiding Jews, but how many of those rescued had the
      courage to report the names of their rescuers to Yad Vashem? Somehow being
      free of danger they have forgotten what risk those people took." (Ukrainian
      Weekly, June 21, 1992, p. 9, emphasis added)
      The Forgotten Bodnar
      Yes, how some of them do seem to have forgotten. Take Simon Wiesenthal, for example. The chief
      focus of discussion between him and Morley Safer seems to have been whether Ukrainians are all
      genetically programmed to be worse anti-Semites than the Nazis (Mr. Morley's position), or
      whether it was just Ukrainian police units that deserve this description (Mr. Wiesenthal's
      position). Now to balance this image of unrelieved Ukrainian anti-Semitism, Mr. Wiesenthal
      could have mentioned that on numerous occasions Ukrainians risked their lives, perhaps even gave
      their lives, to save his (Mr. Wiesenthal's) life - and not only civilians, but the very same
      Ukrainian police auxiliaries whom both Mr. Safer and Mr. Wiesenthal agree were uniformly
      sub-human brutes. Here, for example, is Mr. Wiesenthal's own story (as told to Peter Michael
      Lingens) concerning a member of a Ukrainian police auxiliary who is identified by the Ukrainian
      surname "Bodnar." The story is that Mr. Wiesenthal is about to be executed, but:
      The shooting stopped. Ten yards from Wiesenthal.
      The next thing he remembers was a brilliant cone of light and behind it a
      Polish voice: "But Mr. Wiesenthal, what are you doing here?" Wiesenthal
      recognized a foreman he used to know, by the name of Bodnar. He was wearing
      civilian clothes with the armband of a Ukrainian police auxiliary. "I've got
      to get you out of here tonight."
      Bodnar told the [other] Ukrainians that among the captured Jews he had
      discovered a Soviet spy and that he was taking him to the district police
      commissar. In actual fact he took Wiesenthal back to his own flat, on the
      grounds that it was unlikely to be searched so soon again. This was the first
      time Wiesenthal survived. (Peter Michael Lingens, in Simon Wiesenthal, Justice
      Not Vengeance, 1989, p. 8)
      Bodnar must have known that the punishment for saving a Jew from execution and then helping him
      escape would be death. And how could he get away with it? In fact, we might ask Mr. Wiesenthal
      whether Bodnar did get away with it, or whether he paid for it with his life, for as the
      escapees were tiptoeing out, they were stopped, they offered their fabricated story, and then:
      The German sergeant, already a little drunk, slapped Bodnar's face and said:
      "Then what are you standing around for? If this is what you people are like,
      then later we'll all have troubles. Report back to me as soon as you deliver
      them [Wiesenthal along with a fellow prisoner]." (Alan Levy, The Wiesenthal
      File, 1993, p. 37)
      These passages invite several pertinent conclusions. First, we see a Ukrainian police auxiliary
      having his face slapped by a German sergeant, which serves to remind us that Ukraine is under
      occupation, to show us who is really in charge, to suggest that the German attitude toward
      Ukrainians is one of contempt and that the expression of this contempt is unrestrained. We see
      also that Bodnar's flat is subject to searches, indicating that although he is a participant in
      the anti-Jewish actions, he is a distrusted participant, and a participant who might feel
      intimidated by the hostile scrutiny of the occupying Nazis. But most important of all, we see
      that the German sergeant is waiting for Bodnar to report back. Alan Levy writes that "Bodnar
      was ... concerned ... that now he had to account, verbally at least, for his two prisoners" (p.
      37). If Bodnar reports back with the news that Wiesenthal and the other prisoner escaped, then
      how might Bodnar expect the face-slapping German sergeant to respond? For Bodnar at this point
      in the story to actually allow Wiesenthal and the other prisoner to escape is heroic, it is
      self-sacrificing, it is suicidal. And yet Bodnar does go ahead and effect Wiesenthal's escape,
      probably never imagining that to Wiesenthal in later years this will become an event unworthy of
      notice during Wiesenthal's blanket condemnation of Ukrainians.
      And so these three things - the heroic actions of Lviv's Metropolitan Sheptytsky, the
      self-sacrificing intervention of the Ukrainian police official, Bodnar, in saving Mr.
      Wiesenthal's own life, and the existence of numerous other instances of Ukrainians saving Jews
      these are things that were highly pertinent to the 60 Minutes broadcast, and they are things
      that would have begun to transform the broadcast from a twisted message of hate to balanced
      reporting, but they are things that were deliberately omitted. It is difficult to imagine any
      motive for this omission other than the preservation of the stereotype of uniform Ukrainian
      brutishness.
      Following the writing of the above section on the topic of Ukrainians saving Jews, a flood of
      similar material - actually more striking than similar - has come to my attention, far too great
      a volume to integrate into the present paper. Therefore, I merely take this opportunity to
      present three links to such similar material that has been placed on UKAR: (1) one item is
      evidence that Ukrainian forester Petro Pyasetsky may hold the record for saving the largest
      number of Jewish lives during World War II (in all likelihood greatly exceeding individuals like
      Oscar Schindler or Raoul Wallenberg); (2) another item relates the case of lawyer Volodymyr
      Bemko who recounts his participation as defense attorney in numerous prosecutions by the Germans
      of Ukrainians on trial for the crime of aiding Jews; and (3) a briefer item outlining how the
      Vavrisevich family hid seven Jews during World War II. The first two of these three items are
      not brief, and so might best be read at a later time if interruption of the reading of the
      present paper seems undesirable.
      & CONTENTS:
      Preface
      The Galicia Division
      Quality of Translation
      Ukrainian Homogeneity
      Were Ukrainians Nazis?
      Simon Wiesenthal
      What Happened in Lviv?
      Nazi Propaganda Film
      Collective Guilt
      Paralysis of the Comparative
      Function
      60 Minutes' Cheap Shots
      Ukrainian Anti-Semitism
      Jewish Ukrainophobia
      Mailbag
      A Sense of Responsibility
      What 60 Minutes Should Do
      PostScript
      Were Ukrainians Really Devoted Nazis?
      Pointing out such salient and pertinent instances of Ukrainian heroic humanitarianism as those
      mentioned above would have been a step in the right direction, but it still would not have told
      the whole story. Another vital component of the story is that Ukrainians were the victims of
      the Nazis, hated the Nazis, fought the Nazis, died to rid their land of the Nazis and to
      eradicate Naziism from the face of the earth. This conclusion is easy to document, and yet it
      is a conclusion that was omitted from the 60 Minutes broadcast.
      Following the trauma of Soviet oppression, following the brutal terror of Communism, the
      artificial famine of 1932-33 in which some six million Ukrainians perished, following the
      deportation by the Communists of 400,000 Western Ukrainians and the slaughter of 10,000 Western
      Ukrainians by retreating Communist forces, the Ukrainian population did indeed welcome the
      Germans in 1941. However, disillusionment with the German emancipation was immediate:
      The brutality of the German regime became evident everywhere.
      The Germans began the extermination of the population on a mass scale. In
      the autumn of 1941 the Jewish people who had not escaped to the East were
      annihilated throughout Ukraine. No less than 850,000 were killed by the SS
      special commandos. Hundreds of thousands of prisoners of war, especially
      during the winter of 1941-42, died of hunger in the German camps - a tragedy
      which had a considerable effect upon the course of the war, for as a
      consequence Soviet soldiers ceased to surrender to the Germans.
      At the end of 1941, the Nazi terror turned against active Ukrainian
      nationalists, although most of them were not in any way engaged in fighting the
      Germans as yet. Thus, in the winter of 1941-42, a group of writers including
      Olena Teliha and Ivan Irliavsky, Ivan Rohach, the chief editor of the daily ...
      Ukrainian Word, Bahazii, the mayor of Kiev, later Dmytro Myron-Orlyk, and
      several others were suddenly arrested and shot in Kiev. The majority of a
      group of Bukovinians who had fled to the east after the Rumanian occupation of
      Bukovina were shot in Kiev and Mykolayiv in the autumn of 1941. In
      Dnipropetrovske, at the beginning of 1942, the leaders of the relief work of
      the Ukrainian National Committee were shot. In Kamianets Podilsky several
      dozen Ukrainian activists including Kibets, the head of the local
      administration, were executed. In March, 1943, Perevertun, the director of the
      All-Ukrainian Consumer Cooperative Society, and his wife were shot. In 1942-43
      there were shootings and executions in Kharkiv, Zyhtomyr, Kremenchuk, Lubni,
      Shepetivka, Rivne, Kremianets, Brest-Litovsk, and many other places.
      When, in the second half of 1942, the conduct of the Germans provoked the
      population to resistance in the form of guerrilla warfare, the Germans began to
      apply collective responsibility on a large scale. This involved the mass
      shooting of innocent people and the burning of entire villages, especially in
      the Chernihiv and northern Kiev areas and in Volhynia. For various even
      minor - offenses, people were being hanged publicly in every city and village.
      The numbers of the victims reached hundreds of thousands. The German rulers
      began systematically to remove the Ukrainians from the local administration by
      arrests and executions, replacing them with Russians, Poles, and Volksdeutshe.
      (Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, Volume 1, pp. 881-882)
      Major-General Eberhardt, the German Commandant of Kiev, on November 2, 1941
      announced that: "Cases of arson and sabotage are becoming more frequent in Kiev
      and oblige me to take firm action. For this reason 300 Kiev citizens have been
      shot today." This seemed to do no good because Eberhardt on November 29, 1941
      again announced: "400 men have been executed in the city [of Kiev]. This
      should serve as a warning to the population."
      The death penalty was applied by the Germans to any Ukrainian who gave aid,
      or directions, to the UPA [Ukrainian Partisan Army] or Ukrainian guerrillas.
      If you owned a pigeon the penalty was death. The penalty was death for anyone
      who did not report or aided a Jew to escape, and many Ukrainians were executed
      for helping Jews. Death was the penalty for listening to a Soviet radio
      program or reading anti-German leaflets. For example, on March 28, 1943 three
      women in Kherson, Maria and Vera Alexandrovska and Klavdia Tselhelnyk were
      executed because they had "read an anti-German leaflet, said they agreed with
      its contents and passed it on." (Andrew Gregorovich, World War II in Ukraine,
      Forum, No. 92, Spring 1995, p. 21)
      The notion of "collective responsibility" or "collective guilt" mentioned above by means of
      which the Nazis justified murdering a large number of innocent people in retaliation for the
      acts of a single guilty person is founded on a primitive view of justice which Western society
      has largely - but not completely - abandoned, as we shall see below.
      The Ukrainian opposition manifested itself primarily in the underground Ukrainian Partisan Army
      (UPA):
      The spread of the insurgent struggle acquired such strength that at the end of
      the occupation the Germans were in control nowhere but in the cities of Ukraine
      and made only daylight raids into the villages. ... They [the Ukrainian
      guerrillas] espoused the idea of an independent Ukrainian state and the slogan
      "neither Hitler nor Stalin." (Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, Volume 1, p.
      884)
      During the most intensive fighting against the Germans in the fall of 1943 and
      the spring of 1944, the UPA numbered close to 40,000 men.... Among major
      losses inflicted upon the enemy by the UPA, the following should be mentioned:
      Victor Lutze, chief of the SS-Sicherungsabteilung, who was killed in battle in
      May, 1943.... (Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, Volume 2, pp. 1089-1091)
      Up to 200 innocent Ukrainians were executed for one German attacked by
      guerrillas. In spite of this a total of 460,000 German soldiers and officers
      were killed by partisans in Ukraine during the War. (Andrew Gregorovich, World
      War II in Ukraine, Forum, No. 92, Spring 1995, p. 21)
      Photograph of partisans
      executed by the Nazis.
      Photograph of young woman executed by the Nazis, and
      young man about to be executed, for partisan activities.
      If Morley Safer feels impelled to instruct 60 Minutes viewers that Ukrainians were loyal Nazis,
      then he should also pause to explain how it is that the Ukrainians were able to reconcile their
      loyalty with German contempt:
      When the time came to appoint the Nazi ruler of Ukraine, Hitler chose Erich
      Koch, a notoriously brutal and bigoted administrator known for his personal
      contempt for Slavs. Koch's attitude toward his assignment was evident in the
      speech he delivered to his staff upon his arrival in Ukraine in September 1941:
      "Gentlemen, I am known as a brutal dog. Because of this reason I was appointed
      as Reichskommissar of Ukraine. Our task is to suck from Ukraine all the goods
      we can get hold of, without consideration of the feelings or the property of
      the native population." On another occasion, Koch emphasized his loathing for
      Ukrainians by remarking: "If I find a Ukrainian who is worthy of sitting at the
      same table with me, I must have him shot." (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A
      History, 1994, p. 467)
      Koch often said that Ukrainian people were inferior to the Germans, that
      Ukrainians were half-monkeys, and that Ukrainians "must be handled with the
      whip like the negroes." (Andrew Gregorovich, World War II in Ukraine, Forum,
      No. 92, Spring 1995, p. 15)
      If Morley Safer wishes to proclaim to the 60 Minutes audience that Ukrainians were enthusiastic
      Nazis, then he should simultaneously explain how Ukrainians were able to maintain their
      enthusiasm as 2.3 million of them were being shipped off to forced labor in Germany:
      By early 1942, Koch's police had to stage massive manhunts, rounding up young
      Ukrainians in bazaars or as they emerged from churches or cinemas and shipping
      them to Germany. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 1994, p. 469)
      If Morley Safer insists on announcing to 60 Minutes viewers that Ukrainians were devoted Nazis,
      then he should explain to these viewers how Ukrainians were able to maintain their devotion when
      the Kiev soccer team - Dynamo - beat German teams five games in a row, and then received the
      German reward:
      Most of the team members were arrested and executed in Babyn Yar, but they are
      not forgotten. There is a monument to them in Kiev and their heroism inspired
      the film Victory starring Sylvester Stallone and Pele. (Andrew Gregorovich,
      World War II in Ukraine, Forum, No. 92, Spring 1995, p. 21)
      If Morley Safer will not swerve from his position that Ukrainians were keen on Naziism, then he
      should explain how Ukrainians were able to maintain their keenness when their cities were being
      starved:
      Koch drastically limited the flow of foodstuffs into the cities, arguing that
      Ukrainian urban centers were basically useless. In the long run, the Nazis
      intended to transform Ukraine into a totally agrarian country and, in the short
      run, Germany needed the food that Ukrainian urban dwellers consumed. As a
      result, starvation became commonplace and many urban dwellers were forced to
      move to the countryside. Kiev, for example, lost about 60% of its population.
      Kharkiv, which had a population of 700,000 when the Germans arrived, saw
      120,000 of its inhabitants shipped to Germany as laborers; 30,000 were executed
      and about 80,000 starved to death.... (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History,
      1994, p. 469)
      Among the first actions of the Nazis upon occupying a new city was to plunder it of its
      intellectual and cultural treasures, material as well as human, and yet somehow - if we are to
      believe Morley Safer - being so plundered failed to dampen the enthusiasm of the Ukrainians for
      Naziism:
      Co. 4 in which I was employed seized in Kiev the library of the medical
      research institute. All equipment, scientific staff, documentation and books
      were shipped out to Germany.
      We appropriated rich trophies in the library of the Ukrainian Academy of
      Sciences which possessed singular manuscripts of Persian, Abyssinian and
      Chinese writings, Russian and Ukrainian chronicles, incunabula by the first
      printer Ivan Fedorov, and rare editions of Shevchenko, Mickiewicz, and Ivan
      Franko.
      Expropriated and sent to Berlin were many exhibits from Kiev's Museums of
      Ukrainian Art, Russian Art, Western and Oriental Art and the Taras Shevchenko
      Museum.
      As soon as the troops seize a big city, there arrive in their wake team
      leaders with all kinds of specialists to scan museums, art galleries,
      exhibitions, cultural and art institutions, evaluate their state and
      expropriate everything of value. (Report by SS-Oberstrumfuehrer Ferster,
      November 10, 1942, in Kondufor, History Teaches a Lesson, p. 176, in Andrew
      Gregorovich, World War II in Ukraine, Forum, No. 92, Spring, 1995, p. 23)
      Only genetic programming could explain how - according to Morley Safer anyway - Ukrainians could
      have been among the most loyal of Nazis when their intelligentsia were being decimated and they
      were being treated as Untermenschen:
      Heinrich Himmler, the chief of the SS, proposed that "the entire Ukrainian
      intelligentsia should be decimated." Koch believed that three years of grade
      school was more than enough education for Ukrainians. He even went so far as
      to curtail medical services in order to undermine "the biological power of the
      Ukrainians." German-only shops, restaurants, and sections of trolley cars were
      established to emphasize the superiority of the Germans and the racial
      inferiority of the Ukrainian Untermenschen. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A
      History, 1994, p. 469)
      There must not be a more advanced education for the non-German population
      of the east than four years of primary school.
      This primary education has the following objective only: doing simple
      arithmetic up to 500, writing one's name, learning that it was God's command
      that the Germans must be obeyed, and that one had to be honest, diligent, and
      obedient. I don't consider reading skills necessary. Except for this school,
      no other kind of school must be allowed in the east....
      The [remaining inferior] population will be at our call as a slave people
      without leaders, and each year will provide Germany with migrant workers and
      workers for special projects ... and, while themselves lacking all culture,
      they will be called upon under the strict, purposeful, and just rule of the
      German nation to contribute to [Germany's] eternal cultural achievements and
      monuments.... (Himmler, May 1941, in Hannah Vogt, The Burden of Guilt: A Short
      History of Germany, 1914-1945, Oxford University Press, New York, 1964, p. 263)
      The notion proposed by 60 Minutes that Ukrainians were as one with the Nazis - or if we are to
      believe Mr. Safer, more Nazi than the Nazis themselves - is a colossal fiction based on colossal
      prejudice:
      A graphic indication of the extremes of Nazi brutality experienced in Ukraine
      was that for one village that was destroyed and its inhabitants executed in
      France and Czechoslovakia, 250 villages and their inhabitants suffered such a
      fate in Ukraine. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 1994, pp. 479-480)
      CONTENTS:
      Preface
      The Galicia Division
      Quality of Translation
      Ukrainian Homogeneity
      Were Ukrainians Nazis?
      Simon Wiesenthal
      What Happened in Lviv?
      Nazi Propaganda Film
      Collective Guilt
      Paralysis of the Comparative
      Function
      60 Minutes' Cheap Shots
      Ukrainian Anti-Semitism
      Jewish Ukrainophobia
      Mailbag
      A Sense of Responsibility
      What 60 Minutes Should Do
      PostScript
      Simon Wiesenthal
      Discovered Under the Floorboards
      In reading Simon Wiesenthal's biography, one cannot but be impressed by his exactitude. Take
      this account of how he was discovered underneath the floorboards:
      In early June 1944, during a drinking bout in a neighbouring house, a chief
      inspector of the German railways was beaten and robbed by his Polish
      companions. A house-to-house police search was ordered. Simon reburied
      himself several times and was in his makeshift coffin on Tuesday, 13 June 1944,
      when more than eight months of cramped and perilous "freedom" came to an end.
      As the Gestapo entered the courtyard of the house, the Polish partisans fled,
      leaving Wiesenthal trapped beneath the earth "in a position where I couldn't
      even make use of my weapon." (Alan Levy, The Wiesenthal File, 1993, pp. 52-53)
      To remember not only that it was the 13th of June, but that it was a Tuesday - how impressive!
      And how appropriate that Mr. Wiesenthal be credited with a photographic memory:
      He is helped by his phenomenal memory: Wiesenthal is able to quote telephone
      numbers which he may have happened to see on a visiting card two years before.
      He can list the participants in huge functions, one by one, and he can add what
      colour suit each wore. Although he writes up to twenty letters a day, and
      receives more than that number, he can, years later, quote key passages from
      them and indicate roughly where that letter may be found in a file. ... A
      man's civilian occupation, his origins in a particular region, his accent
      mentioned by someone - all these stick in Wiesenthal's memory for years. And,
      just like a computer, he can call them up at any time.
      This permanent readiness of recall means that the horror is not relegated,
      as it is with most people (and increasingly also with victims), to a remote
      recess of the mind, but is always at the forefront, at the painful boundary of
      consciousness. Wiesenthal possesses what is usually called a photographic