and also correspondents of the west media in Moscow. Only by then I already had permanent contacts with some representatives of foreign parliaments and
      embassies, but never with any intelligence. I also maintained close cooperation with two different forces: Frankfurt-based NTS and National Front of Belarus.
      2.4. As a person who was deeply involved in the cultural self-determination process of the Soviet Jews I also was the first activist in Belarus, who combined several
      goals together. They were: studies of Yiddish and Hebrew languages and the Jewish history, revitalization of Bobruysk's Jewish cultural and historical heritage,
      restoration of Jewish religious community, foundation of a Jewish club, newspaper, theatre, and schools. Nobody - except me - believed by then that it might be
      possible. My poetry in Yiddish was published in "Sovetisch Hiemland" (Moscow) and "Der Arbeiter Stimme" (Warsaw). I also became a co-editor of one underground
      Jewish magazine, based in Minsk. I also became known in cultural circles in Moscow and Leningrad (St.-Petersburg). I maintained contacts with the most famous
      personalities like composer D. Shostakovich, poet A. Voznesensky, singers like V. Tolkunova, or L. Leshchenko, and others. In Minsk (where I studied and worked 2
      times a week) I maintained almost close relationship with the whole cultural elite: composers (D.Smolski, L. Obeliovich, G. Vagner, U. Semeniako, and others),
      historians (Tarasov, Zenon Pozdniak (later leader of the National Front), V. Posse, my relative, A. Gritzkievich, O. Dadiomova), pop-rock musicians, and so on.
      2.5. During short periods of time (in 1986-87) it looked like persecutions against me were suspended or lightened. But in the same period of time I started to be
      persecuted by another political force - by Israeli missionary stuff in Minsk and Bobruysk. By that time my brother Vitaly - a talented painter and brilliant businessman
      organized one of the first free ("capitalist") enterprises in Belarus. I was an administrator of one of its section, which arranged invitation of famous artists for tours in
      Minsk and Bobruysk. So, my brother, Mr. Pinchas Plotkin, an Yiddish poet, I, Mr. Marat Kurtzer, and Igor Gorelik - we formed a first circle, which achieved good results in
      restoring Jewish life in Bobruysk. A course of Yiddish, a library, a club, and other activities became a reality and refreshed the local Jewish life. This was what Israelis
      did not want to allow. They wanted to eliminate the whole Jewish social and cultural life in ex-USSR. They suggested that if life in USSR would become non-attractive
      for the Jews, they could more easily leave for Israel. They also did everything to terrify Jewish population by rumors about pogroms, and by other exaggerations.
      Missioners like J. EDEL, Arie ROTENBERG, or Dorit HE came to USSR to arrange total control over the local Jewish life and to put down any competitive power. I new
      dozens of other missioners who came to Minsk and Bobruysk to devastate local Jewish life and to jeopardize mass migration to Israel. They often expressed their
      hatred towards Soviet Jews.
      2.6. Israelis started to build their own activist infrastructure, alternative to ours. They attracted young aggressive careerists, convincing them that they are totally
      protected, could commit any crimes - and go unpunished. Those boys and girls in their 20-s like Boris Kagan, Dmitry Levin, Vova Kazinetz, Z. Fridburg and others were
      nothing without Israeli leadership. Their local leader became Ilia Rodov, my brother's school colleague. Rodov became a known local figure only because my
      brother's, and my help. My brother Vitaly helped him in everything during their studies at the Art College, he presented Rodov to prominent and influential people, and
      even helped him by giving him money or work at his enterprise. Rodov was a well-known collaborationist: he cooperated with the communist authorities. He also was
      considered in intellectual circles as KGB informer and "comsomol" activist. He often accused and "denounced" Jewish "nationalists." But very soon he rapidly
      changed his views, expressing interest to Yiddish culture (when the group of Yiddishists was the most powerful in Bobruysk). When the influence of Israelis
      increased, he rapidly changed his opinion again "denouncing" Yiddish and calling to "forget Yiddish and study Hebrew." He was supported not only by Israelis, but by
      the local communist authorities as well.
      2.7. Even by then I already suspected close cooperation between Israelis -and local communist authorities. When Bobruysk was a military zone, and a special
      authorization was needed for foreigners to visit that city, Israelis went to Bobruysk easily. They also had free meetings with people, which was impossible for any other
      foreigners, for example, for Finish Baptist missioners. They openly called people to emigrate to Israel using lie, deception, threats and profanation. They did
      everything to discredit my group, and me. Rodov's group has the full freedom to operate and to work with people. We were stopped by the authorities, disrupted and
      persecuted. Supported by the communists Rodov announced himself as a chairman, avoiding open and free elections and his followers formed local "Jewish
      council." People - like me - who restored the Jewish life and created the Jewish club, were expelled from that life and from that club.
      2.8. As soon as they seized the power, "Rodovers" started to suppress all activities and cultural events in the Jewish society. They ruined everything that we created:
      very soon, including Yiddish course and all other courses and activities. They concentrated only on pro-Israeli propaganda and propaganda of immigration to Israel,
      Hebrew course and religious propaganda. When religious in Israel became the most influential force in institutions, which maintained work among potential immigrants
      in USSR, Rodov supporters converted themselves into ultra-orthodox. (Before that they were fighting atheists). They also used to confiscate the huge wave of help,
      gifts, money, which was streaming from the west Jewish communities to Soviet Jews. They have stolen about one thousand valuable gift sets from Baptist community
      of Finland to the local Jewish community. That gift was handed over through Iakov Gutman, an independent from Israelis leader of Minsk's Jews, to me. The sets were
      given for free delivery. I wanted to deliver them directly from my home to the people in exchange of their signatures in confirmation that they got them free. But Rodov's
      group forced me (and Iakov Gutman) to hand them over to the club, using dirty manipulations. Rodov and his group sold the sets as their private property. They openly
      violated the criminal code not only by then. They also robbed our Jewish library 2 times, they threaten people by death, they corrupted local officials, and they
      demanded money from people for information about Israel and for Israeli visas. They also demanded money for the "club needs", threatening people that - if they
      would refuse, they would be punished in Israel. Israelis also paid them for their services. In ex-USSR, where an imported TV with video could be almost as valuable as
      an apartment, they got expensive valuable things from Israelis as gifts. I suspect that they were paid by money, too. A special telephone number was given to Rodov,
      which enabled him to call Israeli embassy in Moscow and to Israel for free (according to his own words, and I believe that it was true).
      2.9. Rodov and co "punished" me in different ways. They spread discreditible rumors against me, they posed intrigues against me at my work, they threaten me, they
      did so, that I was not invited any more to play in restaurants, on wedding parties, in dancing clubs, and so on, they tried to confront my wife with me. I am absolutely sure
      that Rodov's actions against me were correlated with the persecutions, which I faced from the local authorities. In Minsk I used to visit Mr. Garik Chajtovich, - my friend
      and a kind person. He was a Jewish activist and Hebrew teacher. Practically all the Israeli missioners have visited him. I met few high-ranked Israeli representatives
      through Garik or in his place several times and spoke to them. I tried to convince them that they should stop supporting odious persons like Rodov and to stop
      suppressing the development of Jewish cultural life in USSR. They usually answered that their priority is to convince people to leave for Israel, and they do not care
      about anything else. But one time I got an unusual answer. The man who gave it to me was a very important person. I could admit how Garik respect and treat him.
      Even Israelis who were with this man obeyed him. He told me that I have to stop talking about such things. He also told me that he has a pity to me because, according
      to him, I would pay a high price for my "nihilism" and freethinking, my family, my relatives would suffer, and my life will become miserable...
      2.10. Because with time people were convinced that Rodov is a crook, and were too angry on him, I, brothers Strupinsky, Marat Kurtzer and others took the power in our
      own hands, discharging Rodov and his company. Only then I understood very soon that the problem was not in Rodov. Without him Israelis have found other ways to
      achieve their goals. And very soon my position became as weak as before. Israelis also took revenge in Minsk, displacing Iakov Gutman, the main figure in
      opposition to their policy in Belarus.
      Now nothing might stop them from forcible (in the deeper sense) transportation of hundred of thousands Jews from Belarus to Israel.
      2.11. From 1988 my brother's health became more and more bad. He has a blood cancer, but I was sure that his disease was caused because he was exposed to
      radiation. During many month doctors Kustanovich (she died recently in USA from cancer), Cherny and Petrusha did not report Vitaly's bad blood tests. They also
      accused him in simulating to "avoid military service" and threaten to kill him. Since he became sick I fought to get his true diagnose and to win an appropriate treatment
      for him. In the end of 1987 we understood that for saving my brother's life we have to move to one of the West countries. I tried to get an immigration visa to US, but
      America was "closed" very soon because of a treaty, which Israel demanded: about leaving the only one way for Soviet Jews - only to Israel. I also tried to get a visa
      in the German embassy, but it was too late. Then we had to request a visa only from Israel. We did all necessary steps to obtain it, but we did not get any visas.
      Hundreds of people whom I helped to get visas (I told them that I do not recommend them to go to Israel, but they kept asking me with passion, and I helped them) got
      them, but not my brother and me. Even Genady Shulman, one from the Rodov's group, who was kind to us and arranged visas for thousands of people, could not
      obtain visas for my brother, and me. I went to Moscow, to Israeli embassy, where they knew me very good as one of the activists and where I always had an access to,
      and spoke to Ambassador Mr. Levin, but without any result.
      In 1988 Israel have submitted special visas-invitations for Jewish activists for a free trip to Israel. In spite of my detestation of Rodov I phoned him in an attempt to save
      my brother's life (because he composed a list of names for these invitations). "What did your brother did for the Jewish movement, for Zionism? - he asked. Avoiding
      tensions I did not tell him that my brother did for Rodov more then he deserved and that my brother put his business under a risk organizing Jewish events when the
      local authorities did not approve them. I only asked him about compassion. "There are more valuable things then human life, - he responded. Later I had a chance to
      see what these things are. Nobody from Rodov's group went to Israel with that free invitation, only Rodov's father went to Israel because he did small speculation trade
      under the table, and used that occasion as a shield...
      In August, 1989 my brother, and me, we went to Poland, where a blood test, which was made to him, had shown strange processes in his organism. In September I
      started a new Jewish magazine "Vos Herzach?" and participated in a current issue of "CONTACT." My brother Vitaly gave his cafй (he was the owner) again for the
      Jewish club meeting. In September also came a telephone threat that my brother Vitaly would die. In January 1990 another person called and told the same.
      2.12. When in 1989 first letters began to arrive from those who already settled in Israel, their relatives discovered that Russian speaking people are persecuted in
      Israel, that Israelis hate us and treat us as second-class people, many of the Jews in Bobruysk cancelled their tickets and visas. It seemed to be a total disaster for
      Israeli plan to capture half a million or more Soviet Jews. But they have found a solution very soon. Somebody began to spread rumors about possible pogroms.
      Every day brought a "reliable" information that Jews are in danger. Jewish cemeteries were vandalized everywhere. By that time I was a member of a group that
      investigated this wave of vandalism. Most active members in that group were Baltic Jews. A small Baptist team and NTS representatives also participated. We
      discovered that vandalism started in west regions of USSR and moved chronologically from the Northwest to Southeast. Pogroms in Muslim region were not known. It
      was absolutely clear that a team of "vandals" traveled by train from town to town, from city to city, starting from Riga. They had a steady pace, so, Soviet authorities (if
      they would want to stop hooligans) could figure out very easy where should be their next stop and next pogrom - and catch them. But the authorities did not want to stop
      them. Israelis also used different methods to calm down information about vandalism. I personally (as well as others) took the description of our conclusions about
      vandalism to Israeli embassy, but they became furious and refused to send this information to Israeli press. I have submitted the description about vandalism against
      Jewish cemeteries (without our conclusion) to Washington Post and Chicago Tribune correspondents in Moscow, as well as to Israeli newspapers (enclosing photos
      of vandalized graves), but no newspaper outside USSR published this information. I was sure that Israelis used their influence to prevent newspapers from that
      publication. I was even more convinced about Israeli involvement when such a pogrom happened in my native town. Graves that related to non pro-Israeli activists'
      were mainly targeted, when pro-Israeli families' graves were not touched. My father's grave was vandalized, the monument was broken.
      2.13. I informed US president's special representative, Mr. Nikolai Petro, that Israelis are using illegal methods to force people to leave USSR for Israel. I also
      contacted several US diplomats including Mrs. Daria Arturovna Fein. I met Daria Arturovna at hotel "Ukraine" in Moscow. She took a look at the photos and asked if
      they are not a fake. I told her that I could give her an original film from which the photos were made. And I gave the film to her. She held the film several minutes in her
      hands. I saw that she is trembling. After some hesitation she gave the film and the photos back to me, refusing to admit them and giving no explanations. I told to
      prominent personalities in Frankfurt, in Warsaw and in Paris about these acts of vandalism, but they could not organize even a single publication.
      2.14. In January-February 1990 I came to Paris hoping to obtain a visa for my brother. I was warmly welcomed by all Jewish organizations in Paris and Lion, which I
      visited, and also by Russian immigrants' organizations, including NTS. They gave me money, shelters, they bought me train tickets to Lion several times. My French
      friends also helped me a lot. I could not tell Jews that I do not want go to Israel. They supported Israel's plan to get from half to one million people from USSR. To justify
      my request for help in obtaining the French visa for my brother I told them that during almost 2 years we could not get an Israeli visa. After that some leaders of the
      Jewish organizations in Paris, including M-me Helman from COJASOR, proposed me their mediation in my request for an Israeli visa. They told me that Jewish
      communities in France have collected so much money for Israel, that Israelis must listen to them. M-me Helman and others arranged a meeting for me with Israelis in
      Israeli embassy. A visa for me and for my brother had to be given for me there. I knew that local AVIR in Bobruysk could not accept a visa, which came not by mail, and
      could not give us a permission to leave USSR. But I had no solution. When I came to Israeli embassy, which situated down the Le Sacrй Coeur de Monmartre, they did
      not let me in. I called the doorbell, and also phoned them several times with no result.
      2.15. My brother Vitaly tragically died in May 1990. Half a year after his death I discovered just occasionally that the Jewish community in Lion have collected money for
      his treatment and have submitted a medical treatment visa for him. This visa was confiscated by the Soviet authorities.... After his death I did not need an Israeli visa
      any more - because I never wanted to immigrate, and from 1987 I understood very well that my place is not in Israel. Before my brother's death we sold some of our
      property and did other steps expecting a visa from Israel, but now we suspended all such steps.
      2.16. One day - when Rodov already left for Israel - one former "Rodovetz" called my doorbell when my wife was at work. I opened the door, and then he told me that
      he missed my door with somebody else's. In that very moment another person have approached. He asked, "is Gunin lives here?". I recognized him. Living near KGB
      building I often saw him entering it. I also saw him at the Jewish club where he was with Mr. Sheremetiev, local UKGB chairman. Ilia Rodov has invited him by then to the
      club to read a lecture. Later I saw this man (who came to visit me) with Rodov in Bobruysk as minimum two times. He started to speak to me without entering my
      apartment. He told me that I have to quit USSR for Israel within two months. He said that this decision about me is non-reversible and can not be appealed. I was so
      terrified that I could not speak. But I only asked him what about Israeli visa. "Visa budet"" ("visa will come"), he told in response. And he also told me that I should go
      directly to Israel, without tricks. 2 days after visas started to arrive. All visas - a whole package, - which were suspended before, came in 2 envelopes (see
      Supplements, Documents # 20, a,b,c,d,e, etc. - total number is 11).. Where these visas were and who kept them, I do not know, but it convinced me that the
      situation is very serious, and I must go. When after two months we did not leave USSR yet, such terrible, even monstrous events occurred that I understood: I must go.
      2.17. It did not mean that I agreed to go to Israel. I secretly asked my friends in Poland to meet me at the Central Railway Station in Warsaw. I had to try to visit foreign
      embassies in Warsaw, and, if it could give nothing, then we had to go to Germany (my friends had to buy us tickets to Frankfurt). When our train came to Warsaw, and
      my Polish friends already approached to the wagon, a group of unknown people surrounded and captured us. One of them, probably chairman, spoke Polish with a
      Hebrew accent. It was a big man in his middle ages. Mostly he spoke to me, and also an aggressive woman.
      They were ready to take us with them immediately by physical force, but only the presence of my Polish friends made them hesitating. I am sure that they started
      negotiations with us only to win the time: they probably used it to find out through Mossad sources who are my friends and what they able to do. They probably also
      wanted to find out what consequences Israelis would have in case of an eventual scandal, what tactics to use against us, and what their supervisors recommended.
      They disagree immediately to let us go with my friends. Meanwhile my friends called 2 Polish policemen. I told the policemen that I do not want go to Israel, I asked for
      their help. The policemen told me that if I was agree to obtain Israeli visa - then I probably must go to Israel. Then I shown them a temporary visa for staying in Poland 3
      days, and told them that only after 3 days I might be expelled from Poland, and not by Israelis... The policemen then went to hear what Israelis could say them. I did not
      hear what they discussed - because they moved farther from me (my family stayed with the Israelis as hostages while I spoke to policemen), but when they finished
      talking, the policemen left. We were taken to a hotel, completely surrounded and guarded by Israelis, from where we could not escape, and then - to the airport.
      So, my family, and me, we were taken to Israel by force, against our will, this was a captivity! Israel is not our country. Our native country is Belarus, and we still consider
      ourselves as citizens of Belarus. We are not Israeli citizens because that citizenship was thrust on us.
      NOTE: I could support this statement by my declarations, which I made, when I lived in ex-USSR and in Israel. You could see obviously that these declarations were
      written many years ago or even make a criminological test to define their age. They are: 1) My declaration to the procuratories of the both districts of city Bobruysk
      (Lenin and Pervomay), and to the General procuratory of Bobruysk, in which I tried to protest my ultimative deportation to Israel. (1990) 2) My declaration about Israel's
      illegal activity in Belarus (1988-89). 3) My declaration to the Israeli authorities (1991-1994). Please, take it into considaration ! ! !
      NEXT DOCUMENT: Document Number 3
      PREVIOUS DOCUMENT: Document number 2
      For Mr. Louis-Phillippe SIMARD, Manager, Post Determination Review
      FROM Lev GUNIN
      (FILE Number 2948-6524/ 95/76/23/18
      ID: 3082-7125/7174/7220/7231/7317/)
      DOCUMENT NUMBER 3
      TRANSLATOR'S SABOTAGE
      3.1.The very first time went to Mr. Le Brune's office when we were in a hotel for refugees (YMCA) yet.
      3.2.We also came to Mrs. Broder's apartment to "complete the PIF" and to "compose the story" in November 1994.
      3.3.I told Mrs. Broder that I have already composed my refugee claim. And gave her the text of my claim in Russian and in English. I refused
      to cooperate with her in "composing the story." She was extremely persistent and ultimate, but also flexible and cunning in achieving her
      goals. When she understood that she could not break my will not to participate in "composing the story," she told us to come later. Between
      that and the next appointment my wife was worked upon by Lucy (our relative, whose negative attitude towards me in ex-USSR and in
      Israel scared me a lot in the past) and by Mrs. Broder. They told her that all direct or indirect criticism of the state of Israel must be excluded
      from my statement. They also told that I should not mention Israeli army, censorship in Israel, human rights violations, police brutality, and
      provocation against me made by police; my tensions with Mossad and Shabak, or persecutions against me ordered by Israeli authorities.
      The psychological pressure on my wife and on me was so strong that it could push us towards a suicide. We also met Mr. Le Brune in that
      period of time, and he also suggested that our claim have to be based on everyday occurrences and social conflicts, but not on political
      persecutions. When we met Mrs. Eleonora Broder next time I started to fight each sentence, but it was very complicated since my wife had
      arguments with me taking Eleonora's side. But I want to make it clear: MY WIFE AND ME - WE NEVER AUTHORIZED MRS. BRODER
      TO CHANGE OR MODIFY OUR REFUGEE CLAIM. We only agreed to allow some shortening.
      3.4.Very soon Mrs. Broder called us and told us to sign her translation. I asked her to read us the context in Russian, but she refused
      motivating her refusal by the lack of time. She also told us that only 5 more days are left (to complete the PIF and submit the claim; and that
      the total number of days is 14), and if it would not be submitted, then a deportation order is going to be issued for us. (In reality 20 days or
      even more are given, but we did not know about that). Then I told her that I could type my story with her shortenings just in 1 hour in English
      myself - and give her or another translator to sign it (because I wanted to control its context, and I was not good enough in French by then).
      She told me that in Quebec only French-written claims are accepted. Because of her threats and because my wife was near a hysterics I
      was forced to sign it.
      3.5.In December 1994 and January 1995 I gave a copy of Mrs. Broder's translation of my refugee claim to several people; they knew
      French very well. Using their help I discovered that the context of our refugee claim was seriously distorted and sometimes even converted
      by Mrs. Broder. Some details were given in such interpretation (translation) that they contradicted with other details. We also discovered
      that the text of her French translation was different from her back translation into Russian made after my request and written by her own
      hand. (I wanted to verify her translation). When Lucy's purposes of what she did to us might been explained by various reasons, the
      purpose of Mrs. Broder might be only one: to sabotage the translation. I repeat that she distorted the translation not because of
      incompetence or unconsciousness mistakes but on purpose. And I have good evidence: she excluded one paragraph from my story
      without even discussing it with us. It was a description of humiliation over other Russian-speaking workers and me by employers-Israelis in
      August 1991. Instead of typing this paragraph she made a statement in my name not just generalizing the situation, but placing an abstract
      declaration about slavery in Israel. When I asked her later why she did it, she answered that immigration commissioners would never believe
      that something like this exist in Israel. "They would call it "slavery" - and tell you that slavery doesn't exist in Israel. Why then she inserted
      that pure statement about slavery in Israel in my name? If even a description of real events, which could be treated as a denunciation of
      slavery is "bad", a pure statement about slavery (without any explanation) is "more worse" then?! I could only explain that by favor, which
      Mrs. Broder did to the commissioners (immigration oficer in particular) - because they later used this exactly paragraph (in Mrs. Broder's
      translation of my refugee claim) as a key indication of "exaggerations" and based their rejection of our refugee claim mostly on it. Mrs.
      Broder also told me that she inserted this paragraph because I mentioned slavery in one of our conversations. I said that it does not mean
      that I permitted to insert it.
      3.6. I said that I do not remember if I really said that. In response Eleonora said that she secretly recorded all our conversations and now
      could prove that I told it. She never agreed to correct her translation. She even threaten me by telling that she is going to present above
      mentioned tapes to the immigration tribunal - and she claimed that I spoke enough on these tapes to make a conclusion that I am
      dangerous to Israel and "was persecuted correctly".
      3.7. The translation of our claim was also made in a sarcastic and humiliating manner as if the translator not just repeated the Russian text
      in French, but wrote a humorist story about what was described. 3.8. Lucy constantly threatened us during my dispute with Eleonora, and I
      think that her threats came as a reaction on my pretensions to Eleonora. She was threatening us from February till May 1995. She told that
      she did a lot for us - but we are not thankful - and we are going to pay for it. She often told us with bravado that she knows everything about
      us. She said that some people follow us, that my phone is bugged, and that my mails are searched. And she demonstrated her knowledge
      about really discreet information, which should be known only to my lawyer. I asked my lawyer and demanded from Mrs. Broder not to make
      publicly known information, which should be discreet, but Lucy demonstrated her access to everything, what took place in my lawyer's office
      -from the dates of our appointments with him to the dates of our immigration hearings, and so on. She used to come to the immigration
      tribunal each time when our hearings took place - and even appeared in the room where the hearing took place: each time without our
      permission.
      3.9. One time she told me with the same bravado (it was in February 1995) that a very partial committee is going to be assigned to my file.